Tuesday, April 15, 2014

NASA, Collapse, & Income Inequality: A Simple Thought for Tax Day

On this April 15, 2014, when your Income Taxes are due to the Federal Government, let's pause for a second and remember how NASA said society would fall. [Here's How NASA Thinks Society Will Collapse: Too much inequality and too few natural resources could leave the West vulnerable to a Roman Empire-style fall., National Journal, 3-18-2014]:
Few think Western civilization is on the brink of collapse—but it's also doubtful the Romans and Mesopotamians saw their own demise coming either.
A road filled with pot holes, surrounded by abandoned strip malls and decaying houses leads to Detroit... that's not OUR future.


If we're to avoid their fate, we'll need policies to reduce economic inequality and preserve natural resources, according to a NASA-funded study that looked at the collapses of previous societies.
"Two important features seem to appear across societies that have collapsed," reads the study. "The stretching of resources due to the strain placed on the ecological carrying capacity and the economic stratification of society into Elites and Masses."

 
In unequal societies, researchers said, "collapse is difficult to avoid.... Elites grow and consume too much, resulting in a famine among Commoners that eventually causes the collapse of society."

As limited resources plague the working class, the wealthy, insulated from the problem, "continue consuming unequally" and exacerbate the issue, the study said.
 Not to long ago, Michael Bay directed Armageddon, a movie which conclusively showed that only white people had produced the means to stave off... a meteorite collision with earth that would revert worldwide civilization to that of Detroit 2014.

Bay pays homage to the dream of John F. Kennedy, that of going to the Moon and having a vision of space exploration to guide our country into the future.

It's worth remembering America had a choice in the late 1960s, early 1970s: continue funding space exploration or fund the proliferation of the black underclass (and eventually the offspring of illegal immigrants and refugees brought to enrich America).

Dark Side of the Moon: The Magnificent Madness of the American Lunar Quest (by Gerard Degroot) is a book that provides a glimpse into the choice America had before it, even before white men stepped foot on the moon in 1969.

Would we fund space exploration or pour billions (trillions) into trying to trick trick nature and close the racial gap in achievement (save the ability for black individuals to dunk a basketball and run a 40-yard-dash a few tenths of a second faster than whites)?

Degroot writes: 
LBJ would have preferred to cut military expenditure – in particular, what he called “that bitch of war.” [Vietnam]
Civil Rights and the Great Society were his programs, more than they were Kennedy’s. Cutting them would be like drowning his baby. In any case, a wave of riots in America’s inner cities underlined the fact that the problem of America’s black population needed urgent attention, not to mention piles of money. That left the space program as the most logical target for cuts.

Enthusiasm for NASA was a manifestation of socioeconomic standing. Those in steady jobs were much more likely to support the space program than those on welfare. Blacks were less enthusiastic than whites, high school dropouts less than college graduates. In the early years, even though it was quite clear that rockets were very expensive, space did not have a direct impact upon the disposable income of employed Americans. The cost seemed affordable, since it had not led directly to tax rises. Fifty cents a week was a small price to pay for all that excitement. But for those in poverty, NASA seemed a cruel manifestation of national priorities.
Going to the Moon was, it appeared, more important than education, welfare, health, or housing. On the margins of society, a constant refrain was heard: “If we can send a man to the Moon, why can’t our children read?” “For the poor, the Moon shot seems just another stunt,” Whitney Young of the National Urban League, commented at the time. “A circus act. A marvelous trick that leaves their poverty untouched. It will cost thirty-five billion dollars [sic] to put two men on the Moon. It would take ten billion dollars to lift every poor person in this country above the official poverty standard this year. Something is wrong somewhere.”

The space program was a special boon to the South, with its various installations in Huntsville, New Orleans, Cape Canaveral, and Houston. Some people hoped that this would provide the economic regeneration that would inspire a social transformation – the South would leave behind its racist ways and soar into space. But this did not happen. The sophisticated nature of the work demanded a well-educated, highly trained workforce. As late as 1972, little more than 3 percent of the scientists and engineers working for NASA were black. Granted, there was some manual work for those lower down the social ladder, but, when the contraction began during the Johnson years, the effect was profound. Workers who had left the agrarian sector in order to participate in the lunar challenge found themselves thrown on the scrap heap. (p.199-202)
 Your taxes go to fulfill the hopes of Whitney Young, who believed ten billion dollars could lift every poor person, magically granting them access to the "American Dream."

The America that put men on the Moon was a great country; the America that decided to invest trillions (without any demonstrable return on investment) into uplifting black people is not a great country.

A rough road still leads to the stars.

The science fiction writers from Jules Verne to Robert Heinlein to Asimov believed mankind's future was that of exploring the heavens; little did they know the people capable of reaching the stars would spend considerable effort and resources moving from a dangerous, majority black city (or tipping that way) to another town that will inevitably, demographically tip the same way.

Underneath the stars, the universe was once ours.

Today, the Federal Government will use HUD to map your zip code/neighborhood/community to ensure it soon has sufficient amounts of black enrichment.

We could have been on Mars, but our government decided creating mini-Detroits as official policy from sea to shining sea was a more suitable, noble goal...

Some of us will live to see to the day when such priorities have changed, forever.

Then, and only then, will our noblest collective aspiration revert from uplifting black people, to once again watching rockets lift up to the heavens. 

Monday, April 14, 2014

Media Blackout: Comparing Coverage of the Murder of Nathan Trapuzzano to Trayvon Martin...

Two years ago the male members of the 9-member Birmingham City Council (all black) wore ‘hoodies’ to show their solidarity with one Trayvon Martin; on that same day, the council (7 of 9 members are black) voted to make Trayvon Martin an ‘honorary citizen of Birmingham’.
Left: The smiling accused murderer of Nathan Trapuzzano, 16-year-old Simeon Adams. Right: Nathan and his now widowed (expecting) bride, Jennifer



The first black District Attorney of Philadelphia, Seth Williams, took to Twitter to showcase to his followers just where he stood on the issue. The individual charged with prosecuting criminals (as an agent of the state) in Philadelphia sided with a black youth from Florida by wearing a hoodie and Tweeting it out for the world to see a visual display of racial solidarity. [Philadelphia DA releases photo of himself in a hoodie, Twitchy.com, 3-23-12]

A marching band, from a historically black college in Montgomery, spelled out his first name during a halftime performance. [Alabama State marching band spells 'Trayvon' during Saturday's halftime show, Al.com, 9-8-13]

The black President of the United States of America commented directly on the killing ("If I had a son...), with the black Attorney General of the Department of Justice also taking an unprecedented interest in the case, in what should have been just another minority-on-minority homicide. 

The director of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History wants Trayvon Martin's hoodie, the one he wore when George Zimmerman confronted him. It's a relic, representative of a never-ending struggle for... something. [Smithsonian director wants Trayvon Martin’s hoodie, Washington Times, July 31, 2013]


The Department of Justice provided support for pro-Trayvon Martin rallies. [DOCS: DOJ PROVIDED SUPPORT FOR TRAYVON RALLIES, BREITBART.COM, JULY 10, 2013]


Every major network broadcast story after story on the saintly nature of Trayvon Martin, fanning the flames of black racial resentment toward whites, even though not one person was involved in the George Zimmerman-Trayvon Martin affair. 

One, NBC, even doctored a 911 recording to make it appear Zimmerman was racial profiling. 

CNN created a new racial designation, white-hispanic, just to proclaim the guilt of an entire people for the death of their beloved angel, Trayvon Martin. 

A high school even planned to hold a  "Trayvon Martin Day"...

When you type in "Trayvon Martin" into Google, 57,500,000 results come back for your viewing pleasure. 

Not one city council from across America will honor Nathan Trapuzzano. 

Not one district attorney from a city outside of Indianapolis will tweet out a picture in memory of Nathan. 

No marching band will spell N-A-T-H-A-N.


The Black President of the United States of America and the black Attorney General of the Department of Justice will never utter Nathan's name, for his killer - Simeon Adams, a 16-year-old career criminal - looks like the proverbial son of both men. 

The Department of Justice won't provide support for pro-Nathan Trapuzzano rallies, for no rallies will even happen. 

No network special will ever air. 

No high school will hold a "Nathan Trapuzzano Day."

When you type in "Nathan Trapuzzano" into Google,  311,000 results come back for your viewing pleasure. 

Nathan Trapuzzano was a white male. 

24-years-old. 

A father-to-be. 

A husband. 

Now, he is dead, courtesy of a black male (the real-life personification of the evil Heath Ledger portrayed as the Joker in 2008's The Dark Knight). 
Unlike NBC footage of George Zimmerman, this isn't doctored...


A black male who laughed at his initial arraignment. 

The Indianapolis Star published a moving account of Nathan's widow, Jennifer, and how she is coping as a soon-to-be mother. Though there is no equivalent of a Rachel Jeantel-character, this is a story that fittingly serves as the eulogy for a dying civilization.  [Jennifer Trapuzzano leans on family, faith amid tragedy, Indy Star, 4-13-14]:
They were planning to celebrate their daughter's birth, their first wedding anniversary and Nate's 25th birthday next month. 
But all that ended early on April 1, when Nathan was confronted by a gunman, while he was finishing a morning walk near the couple's Westside home. 
Police found Nathan with a mortal gunshot wound to the abdomen at about 6 a.m. in a parking lot of Tron Tire Shop in the 3500 block of West 16th Street, about two blocks from his residence. Simeon Adams, 16, was arrested last week and charged with Trapuzzzano's murder. 
"I know he's gone, but I don't want to think about the circumstances yet," Jennifer said. "I just want to remember my last night with him." 
One last night 
That Monday, March 31, was a special night, Jennifer recalled. Nathan, a computer programmer at Ivy Tech Community College, returned after work to the home they shared on Berwick Street to find Jennifer already in bed. 
She is studying to be a physician's assistant at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis. 
Eight months pregnant, Jennifer said she told Nathan that she was woozy and light-headed in class and a friend drove her home. 
Nathan lay in bed beside her, rubbing her back. After a while, he left the bedroom to warm some leftovers for his dinner. 
Jennifer soon joined him in the kitchen. 
"I really wanted biscuits," she recalled. "Pregnancy craving." 
Nathan began making biscuits, while Jennifer read him the recipe. Later, they walked to McDonald's where he bought her an Oreo McFlurry. 
They returned home and spent the evening talking, before turning in early. This time together at night was something new for them. Nathan had that day started a new early-morning exercise schedule, instead of walking in the evenings, so he could spend more time with Jennifer. 
Jennifer remembers saying that she couldn't imagine life without him. 
"I love you so much," she told Nathan. "I don't know what I'd do without you because you take such good care of me."
"You're strong," he answered. "You'd be fine." 
Each said "I love you" before going to sleep. 
Jennifer recalled Nathan placing his hand on her belly and feeling Cecilia's kicks just before she dozed off, safe in her husband's arms. 
"That's the last thing I remember," she said. "It was so special."
Nathan will never see his daughter smile.

But one day people will be able to see Trayvon Martin's 'hoodie' at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History.

Nathan's life and story of how it ended will be remembered by few; Trayvon's memory will empower a generation...

This is what it means to live in the United States of America. 


Sunday, April 13, 2014

The State of Baltimore in 2014: What We "Celebrate" When We Cheer the Civil Rights Act of 1964

It's as if a great flood came and washed away all that was good, leaving behind fragments of a civilization that no longer resembling what existed in the antediluvian time period. 

No life raft was available, with people forced to flee for higher ground.
The legacy of declaring Restrictive Covenants (1948) unconstitutional and implementing a radical civil rights movement, enshrining it into law in 1964...


Blockbusting in Baltimore: The Edmondson Village Story is W. Edward Orser's story of a racial change in an almost entirely white enclave of Baltimore, with its transformation into just another black slum.

This story is not just of Baltimore, but could be Newark, Camden, Philadelphia, Detroit, Atlanta, Birmingham, Memphis, Charlotte, Dallas, Houston, Milwaukee, or Chicago. It's a story of Anywhere, USA.

Once again, W. Edward Orser's book offers the powerful lesson "race is all that matters: adherence to this principle should be the basis for crafting all laws guiding public life."

We start with this passage from the book:
The Trauma of Racial Change
The recent reflections of two women illustrate the poignancy and complexity of their experience in the west Baltimore neighborhood of Edmondson Village when racial change began to occur on a massive scale in the late 1950s, early 1960s. In an interview I conducted with a white former resident, Marilyn Simkins sought an explanation for the response of whites who panicked and fled the neighborhood: "They saw a very secure world changing very drastically," she said, " and they couldn't accept it. This was distasteful, and in some respects it was forced down their throats, and they felt they had no other choice, I guess."
In a separate interview session, Margaret Johnson, a pioneer from the era of initial African American settlement in the same neighborhood, described her own feeling about the flight of her white neighbors: "They were friendly, but they were prejudiced. They didn't want to live where colored people did... They don't have to say it... They'd didn't tell you [why they moved]; they just moved." (p. 1)
 We'd hear from Simkins again in the final pages of the book:
White Attitudes and the Trauma of Change

Edmondson Village's white expatriates dispersed along the natural corridors of suburban migration westward, some to nearby neighborhoods, others throughout Baltimore County's general Catonsville area and beyond to Howard County. Many friendships and family networks persist, and people often encounter old neighbors on visits to regional shopping centers, churches, or social organizations. The experience of uprooting lingers as an unhealed wound, the source of mixed feelings of nostalgia, bewilderment, bitterness, and social learning. Some believe they have found new suburban havens that provide the social homogeneity and insulation Edmondson Village afforded for a while. But others view life in their new neighborhoods differently as a consequence of the Edmondson Village experience. 

Interviews with white former residents of varying ages inevitably evoke considerable nostalgia for the old neighborhood and the lifestyle that accompanied it. Qualities of closeness, neighborliness, commonality, and security bubble forth unprompted in such discussions. 

For example, Marilyn Simkins, who was a teenager in the 1950s, offered this summation of her experience: "Personally, I would be satisfied if I still lived there, if things had stayed the way they were. It wasn't exactly what you would call paradise, but it was a nice neighborhood."

Some white former residents return periodically to see their former houses and the neighborhoods, but frequently they speak of feeling depressed by the changes they see, especially by signs of deterioration. Simkins, for examples, said wistfully: "It's just not taken care of anymore. I've driven through the area since I've moved, and it depressed me so, I don't go back anymore. (p. 163-165)
Why is it those white people were so fearful of living near black people? Why did they abandon Baltimore (or insert major American city in Baltimore's place) for new real estate, uprooting their lives in the process?

In 1940, Baltimore had 692,705 whites and 165,843 blacks; by 1950, the city had 723,655 whites vs. 255,099 blacks; only a decade later, the white population had dropped to 610,416 to 328,608 blacks; by 1970, the city was nearly 50-50, with 479,837 whites to 425,922 blacks.

What scared whites away?

Kelvin Sewell, a black former Baltimore police officer, wrote a book with Stephen Janis that answers why white people were scared away. It's called Why Do We Kill? The Pathology of Murder in Baltimore.

It should be titled Why Do Black People Kill? The Pathology of Black Depravity in Baltimore.
Why do we kill? 

This is a question that goes to the root of why police exist at all, here as well as elsewhere, which is why I'm asking it. it asks why, in cities like Baltimore that spend a large portion of their budget putting officers with guns into the neighborhoods and communities, do people continue to shoot and kill each other with reckless abandon? 

Why, after spending millions of dollars on plainclothes units to disrupt drug dealers, using military-style tactics, does the shooting continue unabated? 

These are questions that I want to answer because I think in the end it matters. We have to ask "Why?" We have to think. Because without asking "Why?" we may continue on the same path that has done little improve the city where I was born, raised, and worked my entire life. 

Because for all the money and time that's been poured into policing Baltimore, the city is truly no better off. Hundreds of people year in and year out pick up guns and try and kill each other. Largely because of this, 30,000 citizens moved out of Baltimore over the last decade, a period when the population of the State of Maryland grew by nine percent. 

We've torn down housing projects and built new homes. Created empowerment zones and spent hundreds of millions to try and breath new life into neighborhoods where much of the killing is done. We've paid more than three billion dollars over the past decade on direct costs alone fore aggressive policing, arresting hundreds of thousands of poor, mostly black men and boys. Homicide detectives in Baltimore City have arrested hundreds of killers, even though, admittedly, our clearance rate could be a whole lot better. 

Yet if I stood today on the corner of Preston and Greenmount, or Lombard and Carey, the Alameda and Belair, where we have concentrated those resource, I can tell you without question those neighborhoods and the people who still live there are no better off. They are not happier or safer. Instead, there is a sense of despair that has infected many parts of the city, a sense of hopelessness that I know has much to do with the reason people pick up a gun and aim it, with little provocation, at another human being. (p. 9-10)
The conditions black people have created in 63 percent black Baltimore are the same reason why whites fled the city to being with, knowing the racial transformation of their neighborhoods would bring behavioral changes and the lowering of community standards.

Whites didn't vote for these changes, but they voted with their feet for safer grounds once the formerly all-white neighborhoods tipped black. Sewell continues:
If you walk down the 3500 block of West Garrison Avenue on any given day, you'll see distinct types of people: menacing young men in white T-shirts drifting up and down the streets, and old ladies sitting on the porches of worn-down row homes. 

Both, in a sense represent the contradictory forces that enable the most desolate parts of the city to survive while remaining for the most part dysfunctional. 

The old women are a vestige of the city's past, the sinew, strength and bedrock of what remains of the generations of African-Americans families that came to Baltimore to work in the Sparrows Point steel mill and Dundlack-area auto factories. 

Spend some time in District Court on any given day and you will see old black women sitting on the benches, watching grandsons and great-grandsons being ferried in and out of courtrooms in shackles. 

And on Garrison Avenue in Northwest Baltimore you will see them sitting on their porches, sitting and the young men, in many cases their grandsons and great-grandsons, hustling, selling drugs, doing whatever it takes to survive. (p. 49)
Some legacy these black grandmothers left in Baltimore, with the arrival of blacks to the city nothing more than a harbinger of destruction as evidenced by the sorrowful state of the city. The condition of Baltimore today is a direct result of those black grandmothers' generation driving away white people, thereby ensuring the city would endure an Apocalypse God himself wouldn't condone.

And yet, Sewell leaves us with an interesting hypothetical,  a seemingly unanswered question in his book that white flight from the city (well, mainly black people) powerfully is the answer:
Why do people behave so differently 20 miles north of Baltimore City? Why don't people in Hunt Valley or Monkton shove babies into bags? Are people really that different in essence? Or are we essentially the same, just shaped by our environment or by the neighborhood we live in? 

This is not a complicated question, but is has some important implications. 

People kill regularly in Baltimore. Twenty miles north they don't - at least not regularly. What should I conclude from that? What type of boundaries of the land have we created that also take hold of the mind? 

But Baltimore is apex of that violent strain. And thus the city begs the question: Are these people naturally amoral or prone to violence? Or, and this is a thought that bothers me more, is the violence I see here simply a payback for the years of neglect and cruelty we inflict upon the less fortunate?

Better put, are we civilized or can we ill afford to be civil? (p. 77)
By the standards of civilization set by white people, black people in Baltimore are not civil; they are the population in Baltimore from which is birthed the violence that drives away white people and the necessary capital to keep alive the flame of a 1st World Civilization.

Were those dangerous black neighborhoods, where menacing black people walk (with black septuagenarians rocking on porch swings), to be filled with white people - you know, the type of people who once lived there but feared raising families around black people who birthed menacing black males - the violence in the city of Baltimore would end overnight.

Overnight.

Wherever white people fled to, they created prosperous communities; whatever black people inherited by white flight, immediately they regressed to the black mean.

Businesses fled, where they once flourished; qualities of schools gave reason for concepts like No Child Left Behind to be implemented, where once students produced high test scores; property value collapsed, where once it seemed destined to only appreciate.

Such is the nature of racial change from white to black.

It isn't just Baltimore.

It's not just Newark, Camden, Gary, Milwaukee, Chicago, Birmingham, Memphis, or Charlotte.

it's not Atlanta, Rochester, Jackson (MS), St. Louis, or Kansas City.

It's America.

The lesson of Baltimore is one that will empower a new generation of leaders to reassess the trajectory of this country, for the continued path will only ensure more neighborhoods populated by aging black women with menacing black men loitering in white t-shirts.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 ensured the Baltimore of Marilyn Simkins would turn into the Baltimore of Kelvin Sewell.

This is not worth celebrating.


Friday, April 11, 2014

"You don't want to go there, buddy": The Black Lynch Mob of Steven Utash in 83% Black Detroit was Motivated by Racial Hate, Detroit News Confirms

He told the NAACP Convention in 2013 that Mr. George Zimmerman was still being investigated for possible violation's of Trayvon Martin civil rights, after being acquitted of murder charges. 

His Department of Justice worked with black churches and the IRS to make sure they navigated smoothly around the trouble waters of violating their tax-exempt status during the 2012 election. 
Peace was a never for the white man in Black-Run America (BRA)... Steve Utash , middle, was attacked by a black lynch mob in Detroit, all because he dared stop and check on the health of a black kid who voluntarily walked in front of his car


His Department of Justice let off a bunch of New Black Panthers for their role in voter intimidation. He said the case demeans "my people" and asserted hate crime laws don't protect whites. Why? Because there is no purported "history of violence" against whites.


But "you don't want to go there, buddy" do you Mr. Holder? 


In 83 percent black Detroit, a white tree trimmer from the suburbs was nearly lynched by a black mob.


All because he stopped to check on the status of a black kid who voluntarily walked in front of his car.  

This happened only days ago. 


 Of the more than 100 people (all black) who witnessed the attack by a mob of blacks, only one person intervened to save 54-year-old Steve Utash's life. 


One person. 


Now comes news the mob of blacks who attacked Utash did so out of racial hate for the white man.[16-year-old accused in mob beating motivated in part by race, source says, Detroit News, 4-10-14]:

When investigators interrogated a 16-year-old about his alleged participation in last week’s mob beating of a Clinton Township motorist, he said he did it in part because the man was white, according to a police source familiar with the case. 
The teenager was the only suspect questioned in connection with the April 2 beating of Steven Utash who mentioned race as a motivator, the source said, which is why he was charged Thursday with ethnic intimidation, along with assault to do great bodily harm. Wayne County Prosecutor Kym Worthy charged the youth as a juvenile. 
The police source said the four other men arrested in the case told investigators they beat Utash because they were angry he hit 10-year-old David Harris with his truck after the youth darted into traffic near Morang and Balfour on the city’s east side. 
Others charged in the beating are: Latrez Cummings, 19, who is scheduled to be arraigned Friday morning in 36th District Court; Bruce Edward Wimbush Jr., a 17-year-old East English Preparatory Academy student; Wozney Saffold, 30, and James Deontae Davis, 24, who were arraigned earlier this week.
Eric Holder is too busy speaking to Al Sharpton's National Action Network (NAN) convention, a macabre reminder that Black-Run America (BRA) is far more integrated into the halls of power than anyone dares admit.

All moral authority in America has been ceded to blacks, which is why white people are so desperate to find the great black conservative hope to restore their faith in the US Constitution and the flag of this country.

The Shining City on a Hill of Ronald Reagan has been reduced - literally - to that of 2014 Detroit, where a white suburbanite was set upon by a mob of blacks angry. He was beaten by blacks, while more than 100 other blacks looked on.

Only one person intervened.

One.

Steve Utash woke up from his coma, the victim of spontaneous blackness left with post-traumatic stress disorder from a black lynch mob Mr. Holder will never admit existed. [Clinton Twp. motorist awake, keeps saying 'I don't want to die, I'm sorry', Detroit News, 4-11-14]: 

Steven Utash’s relatives were cautiously optimistic Friday he may be slowly recovering from the wounds he suffered after being assaulted by a mob last week, although they say he’s reliving the attack, thrashing in his hospital bed and calling for help. 
Utash, a Clinton Township tree-trimmer whose April 2 beating made national headlines, is no longer in a coma, family members said. 
“He is off the ventilator and is able to breathe on his own,” Utash’s daughter, Mandi Emerick, posted Friday morning on a website set up to raise funds to help pay medical costs for her father, who doesn’t have health insurance. 
“He is in and out of it with his memories,” Emerick wrote. “Sometimes he can look at me and remember who I am and other times he can’t. Today when I asked him how old he is he said ‘I’m two years old’ but he did know his name. 
“He does keep saying ‘I don’t want to die. I’m sorry’ and ‘Please don’t let me forget you.’ He also keeps flashing back to the assault screaming for help and ‘Please get them off me.’ He didn’t seem to know what happened to him or why he was in the hospital, but again it is way to(o) early to tell. He is also on many pain medications which are causing him to be delirious.”

This is Black-Run America (BRA), where the consequences of the very ideas and victories being celebrated at Al Sharpton's NAN conference are playing out in realtime.

But we aren't supposed to go there, buddy... right?